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TIME: Almanac 1990
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1990 Time Magazine Compact Almanac, The (1991)(Time).iso
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020689
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02068900.033
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1990-09-17
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WORLD, Page 40America AbroadDefanging the BeastBy Strobe Talbott
The consequences of U.S. intervention in Kampuchea have made
a mockery of American intentions before, and they could do so
again. The emergence of Pol Pot's ultra-Maoist Khmer Rouge was
partly a result of misguided American policy 20 years ago. Richard
Nixon's secret bombing of Kampuchea in 1969 and the CIA's support
for a coup by a feckless military junta the following spring
contributed to the chaos in which the Khmer Rouge thrived. In 1975
Pol Pot seized power and unleashed a holocaust.
Four years and nearly 2 million deaths later, the Vietnamese
invaded and installed their own regime in Phnom Penh. To much of
the world, Hanoi's aggression against a neighbor mattered more than
Pol Pot's atrocities against his own people. After all, Viet Nam
was expanding not only its own influence but also that of its
backer, the Soviet Union.
The Khmer Rouge, whom the arch-moralist Jimmy Carter called
"the worst violators of human rights in the world," became an
instrument to drive the Vietnamese out of Kampuchea.
"I encouraged the Chinese to support Pol Pot," recalled
Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carter's National Security Adviser, in 1981.
"Pol Pot was an abomination. We could never support him. But China
could." The U.S., he added, "winked semipublicly" as the Chinese
funneled arms to the Khmer Rouge, using Thailand as a conduit.
Throughout the Reagan Administration, the Khmer Rouge have been
part of a loose and unholy alliance of anti-Vietnamese guerrilla
groups that the U.S. helped create. Pol Pot has lurked in the
shadows of the Reagan Doctrine.
In the past year the U.S. has grown increasingly concerned that
the Khmer Rouge might fill a vacuum left by a Vietnamese retreat
from Kampuchea. As part of Mikhail Gorbachev's overall policy of
defusing Third World conflicts, Moscow has been pressuring Viet Nam
to end its occupation. Hanoi has agreed to pull out all its troops
by September. In response, China seems willing to cut off support
to the Khmer Rouge once the Vietnamese complete their withdrawal.
But defanging the Khmer Rouge will require more. As Pol Pot's
mentor Mao Zedong once said, "Power comes from the barrel of a
gun," and thanks to years of Chinese-Thai assistance, with tacit
American blessing, the Khmer Rouge have more guns than the two
non-Communist guerrilla groups that the U.S. has been aiding
directly. The CIA estimates that the Khmer Rouge have enough
materiel to fight on for an additional two years against their
erstwhile allies.
To avert that catastrophe, the U.S. should use its influence
with China and Thailand not just to cut off arms to the Khmer Rouge
but also to shut down their base camps on the Thai side of the
Kampuchean border, ferret out and seize their arms caches, round
up their most villainous leaders and arrange for their peaceful
retirement to, say, rural North Korea.
For a decade, the No. 1 American objective in Kampuchea has
been to get the Vietnamese out. No. 2 has been to squeeze the
Vietnamese-installed rulers out of a new coalition in Phnom Penh.
Until recently, preventing the Khmer Rouge from butchering their
way back into dominance has been a distant No. 3.
Now those priorities must be reversed. Blocking the return of
the Khmer Rouge should take precedence, even if it means a slower
Vietnamese withdrawal and a larger role for the pro-Vietnamese
faction in the new government. And no more winking at abominations.